Lyndon B. Johnson: Speaker Barnes, Governor Hughes, Governor Smith, Congressman
Kazen, Representative Graham, most distinguished legislators, ladies and gentlemen.
I deeply appreciate this opportunity to appear before an organization whose members
contribute every day such important work to the public affairs of our state and
of our country. This evening, I came here to speak to you about Vietnam. I do not
have to tell you that our people are profoundly concerned about that struggle.
There are passionate convictions about the wisest course for our nation to follow.
There are many sincere and patriotic Americans who harbor doubts about sustaining
the commitment that three presidents and half a million of our young men have made.
Doubt and debate are enlarged because the problems of Vietnam are quite complex.
They are a mixture of political turmoil, of poverty, of religious and factional
strife, of ancient servitude, and modern longing for freedom.
Vietnam is all of these things. Vietnam is also the scene of a powerful aggression
that is spurred by an appetite for conquest. It is the arena where Communist expansionism
is most aggressively at work in the world today, where it is crossing international
frontiers in violation of international agreements, where it is killing and kidnapping,
where it is ruthlessly attempting to bend free people to its will. And into this
mixture of subversion and more of terror and hope, America has entered with its
material power and with its moral commitment.
Why? Why should three presidents and the elected representatives of our people have
chosen to defend this Asian nation more than 10,000 miles from American shores?
We cherish freedom, yes. We cherish self-determination for all people, yes. We abhor
the political murder of any state by another and the bodily murder of any people
by gangsters of whatever ideology. And for 27 years, since the days of Lend-Lease,
we have sought to strengthen free people against domination by aggressive foreign
powers, but the key to all that we have done is really our own security.
At times of crisis, before asking Americans to fight and die to resist aggression
in a foreign land, every American President has finally had to answer this question,
is the aggression a threat not only to the immediate victim but to The United States
of America and to the peace and security of the entire world of which we in America
are a very vital part? That is the question which Dwight Eisenhower and John Kennedy
and Lyndon Johnson had to answer in facing the issue in Vietnam.
That is the question that the Senate of The United States answered by a vote of
82 to 1 when it ratified and approved the SEATO Treaty in 1955 to which the members
of The United States Congress responded. The United States, the Senate said, in
a resolution that it passed in 1964 by a vote of 504 to 2, “The United States is
therefore prepared as the President determines to take all necessary steps including
the use of armed forces to assist any member, our protocol state of the Southeast
Asia Collective Treaty requesting assistance in defense of freedom.”
Those who tell us now that we should abandon our commitment, that securing South
Vietnam from armed domination is not worth the price that we’re paying must also
answer this question, and the test that they must meet is this, what would be the
consequences of letting armed aggression against South Vietnam succeed? What would
follow in the time ahead? What kind of world are they prepared to live in five months
or five years from tonight?
For those who have born the responsibility for decision during these past ten years,
the stakes to us have seemed clear and have seemed high. President Dwight Eisenhower
said in 1959, and I quote, “Strategically, South Vietnam’s capture by the Communists
would bring their power several hundred miles into a hitherto-free region.” The
remaining countries in Southeast Asia would be diminished by a great planking movement.
The freedom of 12 million people would be lost immediately and that of 150 million
people in adjacent lands would be seriously in danger. The loss of South Vietnam
would set in motion a crumbling process that could, as it progressed, have grave
consequences for us and for our freedom. President John F. Kennedy said in 1962,
“Withdrawal in the case of Vietnam and in the case of Thailand might mean a collapse
of the entire area.”
A year later he reaffirmed, and I quote, “We are not going to withdrawal from that
effort. In my opinion for us to withdrawal from that effort would mean a collapse
not only of South Vietnam, but Southeast Asia, so we are going to stay there,” said
President Kennedy. This is not simply an American viewpoint I would have you legislative
leaders know. I’m going to call the roll now those who live in the part of the world.
In the great arc of Asian and Pacific nations and who bear the responsibility for
leading their people and the responsibility for the fate of their people, the President
of the Philippines had this to say. “Vietnam is the focus of attention now. It may
happen to Thailand or the Philippines or anywhere. Wherever there is misery, disease,
ignorance. For you to renounce your position of leadership in Asia is to allow the
Red Chinese to gobble up all of Asia.”
The Foreign Minister of Thailand said, “The American decision will go down in history
as the move that prevented the world from having to face another major conflagration.”
The Prime Minister of Australia said, “We are there because while Communist aggression
persists, the whole of Southeast Asia is threatened.”
President Park of Korea said, “For the first time in our history we decided to dispatch
our combat troops overseas because in our belief, any aggression of The Republic
of Vietnam represented a direct and grave menace against the security and the peace
of Free Asia and therefore directly jeopardized the very security and freedom of
our own people.”
The Prime Minister of Malaysia warned his people that if The United States pulled
out of South Vietnam it would go to the Communists and after that it would be only
a matter of time until they moved against neighboring states. Prime Minister of
New Zealand said, “We thank God that America at least regards aggression in Asia
with the same concern as it regards aggression in Europe and is prepared to back
up its concern with action.”
The Prime Minister of Singapore said, “I feel that the fate of Asia, South and Southeast
Asia will be decided in the next few years by what happens in Vietnam.” I cannot
tell you tonight, as your President, with certainty that a Communist conquest of
South Vietnam would be followed by a Communist conquest of Southeast Asia, but I
do know there are North Vietnamese troops in Laos.
I do know that there are North Vietnamese trained guerrillas tonight in Northeast
Thailand. I do know that there are Communist-supported guerrilla forces operating
in Burma and a Communist coup was barely averted in Indonesia, the fifth largest
nation in the world. So your American President cannot tell you with certainty that
a Southeast Asia dominated by Communist power would bring a Third World War much
closer to terrible reality.
One could hope that this would not be so, but all that we have learned in this tragic
century strongly suggests to me that it would be so, and as the President of The
United States I am not prepared to gamble on the chance that it is not so. I am
not prepared to risk the security, indeed the survival of this American nation on
mere hope and wishful thinking.
I am convinced that by seeing this struggle through now, we are greatly reducing
the chances of a much larger war, perhaps a nuclear war. And I would rather stand
in Vietnam in our time and by meeting this danger now and facing up to it and thereby
reduce the danger for our children and for our grandchildren.
I want to turn now to the struggle in Vietnam itself. There are questions about
this difficult war that must trouble every really thoughtful person, and I’m going
to put some of these questions and I am going to give you the very best answers
that I can give you.
First, are the Vietnamese with our help and that of their other allies really making
any progress? Is there a forward movement? Well, the reports that I see make it
clear that there is. Certainly, there is a positive movement toward constitutional
government. Thus far, the Vietnamese have met the political schedule that they laid
down in January 1966. The people wanted an elected responsive government. They wanted
it strong enough to brave a vicious campaign of Communist terror and assassination
to vote for it. And it has been said that they killed more civilians in four weeks
trying to keep them from voting before the election than our American bombers have
killed in the big cities of North Vietnam in bombing military targets.
On November 1, subject to the action, of course, of the constituent assembly an
elected government will be inaugurated and an elected Senate and Legislature will
be installed, and their responsibility is clear, to answer the desires of the South
Vietnamese people for self-determination and for peace, for an attack on corruption,
for economic development and for social justice.
There is progress in the war itself, steady progress considering the war that we’re
fighting. Rather dramatic progress considering the situation that actually prevailed
when we sent our troops there in 1965 when we intervened to prevent the dismemberment
of the country by the Vietcong and the North Vietnamese. The campaigns of the last
year drove the enemy from many of their major interior bases. The military victory
almost within Hanoi’s grasp in 1965 has now been denied them.
The grip of the Vietcong on the people is being broken, and since our commitment
of major forces in July 1965, the proportion of the population living under Communist
control has been reduced to well under 20%, and tonight the secure proportion of
the population has grown from about 45% to 65%, and in the contested areas the tide
continues to run with us.
But the struggle remains hard. The South Vietnamese have suffered severely as have
we, particularly in the first core area in the north where the enemy has mounted
his heaviest attacks and where his lines of communication to North Vietnam are shortest.
Our casualties in the war have reached about 13,500 killed in action and about 85,000
wounded. Of those 85,000 wounded, we thank God that 79,000 of the 85,000 have been
returned or will return to duty shortly thanks to our great American medical science
and the helicopters.
I know there are other questions on your minds and on the minds of many sincere,
troubled Americans. Why not negotiate now so many ask me. The answer is that we
and our South Vietnamese allies are wholly prepared to negotiate tonight. I am ready
to talk with Ho Chi Min and other chiefs of state concerning tomorrow. I am ready
to have Secretary Rusk meet with their Foreign Minister tomorrow. I am ready to
send a trusted representative of America to any spot on this Earth to talk in public
or private with a spokesman of Hanoi. We have twice sought to have the issue of
Vietnam dealt with by The United Nations and twice Hanoi has refused. Our desire
to negotiate peace through The United Nation, our out has been made very, very clear
to Hanoi directly and many times through third parties.
As we have told Hanoi time and time and time again, the heart of the matter is really
this, the United States is willing to stop all aerial and Naval bombardment of North
Vietnam when this will lead promptly to productive discussions. We of course assume
that while discussions proceed North Vietnam would not take advantage of the bombing
cessation or limitation, but Hanoi has not accepted any of these proposals. So it
is by Hanoi’s choice and not ours and not the rest of the world that the war continues.
Why, in the face of military and political progress in the south and the burden
of our bombing in the north do they insist and persist with the war? From many sources
the answer is the same. They still hope that the people of The United States will
not see this struggle through to the very end. As one western diplomat reported
to me only this week, he had just been in Hanoi and he said, and I quote, “They
believe their staying power is greater than ours, and that therefore, they can’t
A visitor from a Communist capitol had this to say, “They expect the war to be long
and that the Americans in the end would be defeated by a breakdown in morale, fatigue,
and psychological factors. The Premier of North Vietnam said as far back as 1962
and I quote, “Americans do not like long, inconclusive war. Thus, we are sure to
win in the end.” Well, are the North Vietnamese right about us? I think not. No,
I think they’re wrong.
I think it is the common failing of totalitarian regimes that they cannot really
understand the nature of our democracy. They mistake dissent for disloyalty. They
mistake restlessness for a rejection of policy. They mistake a few committees for
a country. They misjudge individual speeches for public policy. They are no better
suited to judge the strength and perseverance of America than the Nazi and the Stalinist
propagandists were able to judge it. And it is a tragedy that they must discover
these qualities in the American people and discover them through a bloody war and
soon or late they will discover them.
In the meantime, it shall be our policy to continue to seek negotiations, confident
that reason will someday prevail, that Hanoi will realize that it just can never
win, that it will turn away from fighting and start building for its own people.
Since World War II this nation has met and has mastered many challenges. Challenges
in Greece and Turkey, in Berlin, in Korea, in Cuba. We met them because brace men
were willing to risk their lives for their nation’s security and braver men have
never lived than those who carry our colors tonight in Vietnam at this very hour.
The price of these efforts of course has been heavy, but the price of not having
made them at all, not having seen them through, in my judgment, would’ve been vastly
greater. Our goal has been the same in Europe, in Asia, in our own hemisphere. It
has been and it is now peace, and peace cannot be secured by wishes. Peace cannot
be preserved by noble words and pure intentions. Enduring peace, Franklin D. Roosevelt
said, “Cannot be bought at the cost of other people’s freedom.”
The late President Kennedy put it precisely, in November 1961, when he said, “We
are neither warmongers nor appeasers. We are neither hard nor soft. We are Americans,
determined to defend the frontiers of freedom by an honorable peace if peace is
possible, but by arms if arms are used against us.”
So the true peacekeepers in the world tonight are not those who urge us to retire
from the field in Vietnam, who tell us to try to find the quickest, cheapest exit
from that tormented land no matter what the consequences to us may be. The true
peacekeepers are those men who stand out there on the DMZ at this very hour, taking
the worst that the enemy can give.
The true peacekeepers are the soldiers who are breaking the terrorist grip around
the villages of Vietnam, the civilians who are bringing medical care and food and
education to people who have already suffered a generation of war, and so I report
to you that we are going to continue to press forward.
Two things we must do and two things we shall do. First, we just must not mislead
the enemy. Let him not think that debate and dissent will produce wavering and withdrawal
for I can assure you they won’t. Let him not think that protest will produce surrender
because it won’t. Let him not think that he will wait us out for he won’t.
Second, we will provide all that our brave men require to do the job that must be
done and that job’s going to be done. These gallant men have our prayers, have our
thanks, have our heartfelt praise, and our deepest gratitude. And let the world
know that the keepers of peace will endure through every trial and that with the
full backing of their countrymen, they are going to prevail.