The Sinews of Peace Address at Westminster College

Speaker: Winston Churchill
Delivered On: 3/5/1946
Place: Fulton, MO
Subject:
Audio/Video Available:

Description: Delivered at Westminster College, Fulton, MO. This speech may be regarded as the
most important Churchill delivered as Leader of the Opposition (1945-1951). It contains
certain phrases “the special relationship,” “the sinews of peace”-which at once
entered into general use, and which have survived. But it is the passage on “the
iron curtain” which attracted immediate international attention, and had incalculable
impact upon public opinion in the United States and in Western Europe. Russian historians
date the beginning of the Cold War from this speech. In its phraseology, in its
intricate drawing together of several themes to an electrifying climax – his speech
may be regarded as a technical classic. The President of Westminster College spoke
first and then introduced President Harry S Truman. Truman introduced Churchill.
Churchill ad-libbed at times, so the words Churchill delivered will depart occasionally
from the text he prepared.
References:
Transcript/Log:
I am glad to come to Westminster College this afternoon, and am complimented that
you should give me a degree. The name “Westminster” is somehow familiar to me. I
seem to have heard of it before. Indeed, it was at Westminster that I received a
very large part of my education in politics, dialectic, rhetoric, and one or two
other things. In fact we have both been educated at the same, or similar, or, at
any rate, kindred establishments.

It is also an honor, perhaps almost unique, for a private visitor to be introduced
to an academic audience by the President of the United States. Amid his heavy burdens,
duties, and responsibilities – unsought but not recoiled from – the President has
traveled a thousand miles to dignify and magnify our meeting here to-day and to
give me an opportunity of addressing this kindred nation, as well as my own countrymen
across the ocean, and perhaps some other countries too. The President has told you
that it is his wish, as I am sure it is yours, that I should have full liberty to
give my true and faithful counsel in these anxious and baffling times. I shall certainly
avail myself of this freedom, and feel the more right to do so because any private
ambitions I may have cherished in my younger days have been satisfied beyond my
wildest dreams. Let me, however, make it clear that I have no official mission or
status of any kind, and that I speak only for myself. There is nothing here but
what you see.

I can therefore allow my mind, with the experience of a lifetime, to play over the
problems which beset us on the morrow of our absolute victory in arms, and to try
to make sure with what strength I have that what has been gained with so much sacrifice
and suffering shall be preserved for the future glory and safety of mankind.

The United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. It is a solemn
moment for the American Democracy. For with primacy in power is also joined an awe-inspiring
accountability to the future. If you look around you, you must feel not only the
sense of duty done but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below the level
of achievement. Opportunity is here now, clear and shining for both our countries.
To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches
of the after-time. It is necessary that constancy of mind, persistency of purpose,
and the grand simplicity of decision shall guide and rule the conduct of the English-speaking
peoples in peace as they did in war. We must, and I believe we shall, prove ourselves
equal to this severe requirement.

When American military men approach some serious situation they are wont to write
at the head of their directive the words “over-all strategic concept.” There is
wisdom in this, as it leads to clarity of thought. What then is the over-all strategic
concept which we should inscribe today? It is nothing less than the safety and welfare,
the freedom and progress, of all the homes and families of all the men and women
in all the lands. And here I speak particularly of the myriad cottage or apartment
homes where the wage-earner strives amid the accidents and difficulties of life
to guard his wife and children from privation and bring the family up in the fear
of the Lord, or upon ethical conceptions which often play their potent part.

To give security to these countless homes, they must be shielded from the two giant
marauders, war and tyranny. We all know the frightful disturbances in which the
ordinary family is plunged when the curse of war swoops down upon the bread-winner
and those for whom he works and contrives. The awful ruin of Europe, with all its
vanished glories, and of large parts of Asia glares us in the eyes. When the designs
of wicked men or the aggressive urge of mighty States dissolve over large areas
the frame of civilized society, humble folk are confronted with difficulties with
which they cannot cope. For them all is distorted, all is broken, even ground to
pulp.

When I stand here this quiet afternoon I shudder to visualize what is actually happening
to millions now and what is going to happen in this period when famine stalks the
earth. None can compute what has been called “the unestimated sum of human pain.”
Our supreme task and duty is to guard the homes of the common people from the horrors
and miseries of another war. We are all agreed on that.

Our American military colleagues, after having proclaimed their “over-all strategic
concept” and computed available resources, always proceed to the next step-namely,
the method. Here again there is widespread agreement. A world organization has already
been erected for the prime purpose of preventing war, UNO, the successor of the
League of Nations, with the decisive addition of the United States and all that
means, is already at work. We must make sure that its work is fruitful, that it
is a reality and not a sham, that it is a force for action, and not merely a frothing
of words, that it is a true temple of peace in which the shields of many nations
can some day be hung up, and not merely a cockpit in a Tower of Babel. Before we
cast away the solid assurances of national armaments for self-preservation we must
be certain that our temple is built, not upon shifting sands or quagmires, but upon
the rock. Anyone can see with his eyes open that our path will be difficult and
also long, but if we persevere together as we did in the two world wars – though
not, alas, in the interval between them – I cannot doubt that we shall achieve our
common purpose in the end.

I have, however, a definite and practical proposal to make for action. Courts and
magistrates may be set up but they cannot function without sheriffs and constables.
The United Nations Organization must immediately begin to be equipped with an international
armed force. In such a matter we can only go step by step, but we must begin now.
I propose that each of the Powers and States should be invited to delegate a certain
number of air squadrons to the service of the world organization. These squadrons
would be trained and prepared in their own countries, but would move around in rotation
from one country to another. They would wear the uniform of their own countries
but with different badges. They would not be required to act against their own nation,
but in other respects they would be directed by the world organization. This might
be started on a modest scale and would grow as confidence grew. I wished to see
this done after the first world war, and I devoutly trust it may be done forthwith.

It would nevertheless be wrong and imprudent to entrust the secret knowledge or
experience of the atomic bomb, which the United States, Great Britain, and Canada
now share, to the world organization, while it is still in its infancy. It would
be criminal madness to cast it adrift in this still agitated and un-united world.
No one in any country has slept less well in their beds because this knowledge and
the method and the raw materials to apply it, are at present largely retained in
American hands. I do not believe we should all have slept so soundly had the positions
been reversed and if some Communist or neo-Fascist State monopolized for the time
being these dread agencies. The fear of them alone might easily have been used to
enforce totalitarian systems upon the free democratic world, with consequences appalling
to human imagination. God has willed that this shall not be and we have at least
a breathing space to set our house in order before this peril has to be encountered:
and even then, if no effort is spared, we should still possess so formidable a superiority
as to impose effective deterrents upon its employment, or threat of employment,
by others. Ultimately, when the essential brotherhood of man is truly embodied and
expressed in a world organization with all the necessary practical safeguards to
make it effective, these powers would naturally be confided to that world organization.

Now I come to the second danger of these two marauders which threatens the cottage,
the home, and the ordinary people – namely, tyranny. We cannot be blind to the fact
that the liberties enjoyed by individual citizens throughout the British Empire
are not valid in a considerable number of countries, some of which are very powerful.
In these States control is enforced upon the common people by various kinds of all-embracing
police governments. The power of the State is exercised without restraint, either
by dictators or by compact oligarchies operating through a privileged party and
a political police. It is not our duty at this time when difficulties are so numerous
to interfere forcibly in the internal affairs of countries which we have not conquered
in war. But we must never cease to proclaim in fearless tones the great principles
of freedom and the rights of man which are the joint inheritance of the English-speaking
world and which through Magna Carta, the Bill of Rights, the Habeas Corpus, trial
by jury, and the English common law find their most famous expression in the American
Declaration of Independence.

All this means that the people of any country have the right, and should have the
power by constitutional action, by free unfettered elections, with secret ballot,
to choose or change the character or form of government under which they dwell;
that freedom of speech and thought should reign; that courts of justice, independent
of the executive, unbiased by any party, should administer laws which have received
the broad assent of large majorities or are consecrated by time and custom. Here
are the title deeds of freedom which should lie in every cottage home. Here is the
message of the British and American peoples to mankind. Let us preach what we practice
– let us practice – what we preach.

I have now stated the two great dangers which menace the homes of the people: War
and Tyranny. I have not yet spoken of poverty and privation which are in many cases
the prevailing anxiety. But if the dangers of war and tyranny are removed, there
is no doubt that science and co-operation can bring in the next few years to the
world, certainly in the next few decades newly taught in the sharpening school of
war, an expansion of material well-being beyond anything that has yet occurred in
human experience. Now, at this sad and breathless moment, we are plunged in the
hunger and distress which are the aftermath of our stupendous struggle; but this
will pass and may pass quickly, and there is no reason except human folly or sub-human
crime which should deny to all the nations the inauguration and enjoyment of an
age of plenty. I have often used words which I learned fifty years ago from a great
Irish-American orator, a friend of mine, Mr. Bourke Cockran. “There is enough for
all. The earth is a generous mother; she will provide in plentiful abundance food
for all her children if they will but cultivate her soil in justice and in peace.”
So far I feel that we are in full agreement. Now, while still pursuing the method
of realizing our overall strategic concept, I come to the crux of what I have traveled
here to say. Neither the sure prevention of war, nor the continuous rise of world
organization will be gained without what I have called the fraternal association
of the English-speaking peoples. This means a special relationship between the British
Commonwealth and Empire and the United States. This is no time for generalities,
and I will venture to be precise. Fraternal association requires not only the growing
friendship and mutual understanding between our two vast but kindred systems of
society, but the continuance of the intimate relationship between our military advisers,
leading to common study of potential dangers, the similarity of weapons and manuals
of instructions, and to the interchange of officers and cadets at technical colleges.
It should carry with it the continuance of the present facilities for mutual security
by the joint use of all Naval and Air Force bases in the possession of either country
all over the world. This would perhaps double the mobility of the American Navy
and Air Force. It would greatly expand that of the British Empire Forces and it
might well lead, if and as the world calms down, to important financial savings.
Already we use together a large number of islands; more may well be entrusted to
our joint care in the near future.

The United States has already a Permanent Defense Agreement with the Dominion of
Canada, which is so devotedly attached to the British Commonwealth and Empire. This
Agreement is more effective than many of those which have often been made under
formal alliances. This principle should be extended to all British Commonwealths
with full reciprocity. Thus, whatever happens, and thus only, shall we be secure
ourselves and able to work together for the high and simple causes that are dear
to us and bode no ill to any. Eventually there may come – I feel eventually there
will come – the principle of common citizenship, but that we may be content to leave
to destiny, whose outstretched arm many of us can already clearly see.

There is however an important question we must ask ourselves. Would a special relationship
between the United States and the British Commonwealth be inconsistent with our
over-riding loyalties to the World Organization? I reply that, on the contrary,
it is probably the only means by which that organization will achieve its full stature
and strength. There are already the special United States relations with Canada
which I have just mentioned, and there are the special relations between the United
States and the South American Republics. We British have our twenty years Treaty
of Collaboration and Mutual Assistance with Soviet Russia. I agree with Mr. Bevin,
the Foreign Secretary of Great Britain, that it might well be a fifty years Treaty
so far as we are concerned. We aim at nothing but mutual assistance and collaboration.
The British have an alliance with Portugal unbroken since 1384, and which produced
fruitful results at critical moments in the late war. None of these clash with the
general interest of a world agreement, or a world organization; on the contrary
they help it. “In my father’s house are many mansions.” Special associations between
members of the United Nations which have no aggressive point against any other country,
which harbor no design incompatible with the Charter of the United Nations, far
from being harmful, are beneficial and, as I believe, indispensable.

I spoke earlier of the Temple of Peace. Workmen from all countries must build that
temple. If two of the workmen know each other particularly well and are old friends,
if their families are inter-mingled, and if they have “faith in each other’s purpose,
hope in each other’s future and charity towards each other’s shortcomings” – to
quote some good words I read here the other day – why cannot they work together
at the common task as friends and partners? Why cannot they share their tools and
thus increase each other’s working powers? Indeed they must do so or else the temple
may not be built, or, being built, it may collapse, and we shall all be proved again
unteachable and have to go and try to learn again for a third time in a school of
war, incomparably more rigorous than that from which we have just been released.
The dark ages may return, the Stone Age may return on the gleaming wings of science,
and what might now shower immeasurable material blessings upon mankind, may even
bring about its total destruction. Beware, I say; time may be short. Do not let
us take the course of allowing events to drift along until it is too late. If there
is to be a fraternal association of the kind I have described, with all the extra
strength and security which both our countries can derive from it, let us make sure
that that great fact is known to the world, and that it plays its part in steadying
and stabilizing the foundations of peace. There is the path of wisdom. Prevention
is better than cure.

A shadow has fallen upon the scenes so lately lighted by the Allied victory. Nobody
knows what Soviet Russia and its Communist international organization intends to
do in the immediate future, or what are the limits, if any, to their expansive and
proselytizing tendencies. I have a strong admiration and regard for the valiant
Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshal Stalin. There is deep sympathy
and goodwill in Britain – and I doubt not here also – towards the peoples of all
the Russias and a resolve to persevere through many differences and rebuffs in establishing
lasting friendships. We understand the Russian need to be secure on her western
frontiers by the removal of all possibility of German aggression. We welcome Russia
to her rightful place among the leading nations of the world. We welcome her flag
upon the seas. Above all, we welcome constant, frequent and growing contacts between
the Russian people and our own people on both sides of the Atlantic. It is my duty
however, for I am sure you would wish me to state the facts as I see them to you,
to place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe.

From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic, an iron curtain has descended
across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states
of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade,
Bucharest and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie
in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject in one form or another,
not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and, in many cases, increasing measure
of control from Moscow. Athens alone – Greece with its immortal glories – is free
to decide its future at an election under British, American and French observation.
The Russian- dominated Polish Government has been encouraged to make enormous and
wrongful inroads upon Germany, and mass expulsions of millions of Germans on a scale
grievous and undreamed-of are now taking place. The Communist parties, which were
very small in all these Eastern States of Europe, have been raised to pre-eminence
and power far beyond their numbers and are seeking everywhere to obtain totalitarian
control. Police governments are prevailing in nearly every case, and so far, except
in Czechoslovakia, there is no true democracy. Turkey and Persia are both profoundly
alarmed and disturbed at the claims which are being made upon them and at the pressure
being exerted by the Moscow Government. An attempt is being made by the Russians
in Berlin to build up a quasi-Communist party in their zone of Occupied Germany
by showing special favors to groups of left-wing German leaders. At the end of the
fighting last June, the American and British Armies withdrew westwards, in accordance
with an earlier agreement, to a depth at some points of 150 miles upon a front of
nearly four hundred miles, in order to allow our Russian allies to occupy this vast
expanse of territory which the Western Democracies had conquered.

If now the Soviet Government tries, by separate action, to build up a pro-Communist
Germany in their areas, this will cause new serious difficulties in the British
and American zones, and will give the defeated Germans the power of putting themselves
up to auction between the Soviets and the Western Democracies. Whatever conclusions
may be drawn from these facts – and facts they are – this is certainly not the Liberated
Europe we fought to build up. Nor is it one which contains the essentials of permanent
peace.

The safety of the world requires a new unity in Europe, from which no nation should
be permanently outcast. It is from the quarrels of the strong parent races in Europe
that the world wars we have witnessed, or which occurred in former times, have sprung.
Twice in our own lifetime we have seen the United States, against their wishes and
their traditions, against arguments, the force of which it is impossible not to
comprehend, drawn by irresistible forces, into these wars in time to secure the
victory of the good cause, but only after frightful slaughter and devastation had
occurred. Twice the United States has had to send several millions of its young
men across the Atlantic to find the war; but now war can find any nation, wherever
it may dwell between dusk and dawn. Surely we should work with conscious purpose
for a grand pacification of Europe, within the structure of the United Nations and
in accordance with its Charter. That I feel is an open cause of policy of very great
importance .

In front of the iron curtain which lies across Europe are other causes for anxiety.
In Italy the Communist Party is seriously hampered by having to support the Communist-trained
Marshal Tito’s claims to former Italian territory at the head of the Adriatic. Nevertheless
the future of Italy hangs in the balance. Again one cannot imagine a regenerated
Europe without a strong France. All my public life I have worked for a strong France
and I never lost faith in her destiny, even in the darkest hours. I will not lose
faith now. However, in a great number of countries, far from the Russian frontiers
and throughout the world, Communist fifth columns are established and work in complete
unity and absolute obedience to the directions they receive from the Communist center.
Except in the British Commonwealth and in the United States where Communism is in
its infancy, the Communist parties or fifth columns constitute a growing challenge
and peril to Christian civilization. These are somber facts for anyone to have to
recite on the morrow of a victory gained by so much splendid comradeship in arms
and in the cause of freedom and democracy; but we should be most unwise not to face
them squarely while time remains.

The outlook is also anxious in the Far East and especially in Manchuria. The Agreement
which was made at Yalta, to which I was a party, was extremely favorable to Soviet
Russia, but it was made at a time when no one could say that the German war might
not extend all through the summer and autumn of 1945 and when the Japanese war was
expected to last for a further 18 months from the end of the German war. In this
country you are all so well-informed about the Far East, and such devoted friends
of China, that I do not need to expatiate on the situation there.

I have felt bound to portray the shadow which, alike in the west and in the east,
falls upon the world. I was a high minister at the time of the Versailles Treaty
and a close friend of Mr. Lloyd-George, who was the head of the British delegation
at Versailles. I did not myself agree with many things that were done, but I have
a very strong impression in my mind of that situation, and I find it painful to
contrast it with that which prevails now. In those days there were high hopes and
unbounded confidence that the wars were over, and that the League of Nations would
become all-powerful. I do not see or feel that same confidence or even the same
hopes in the haggard world at the present time.

On the other hand I repulse the idea that a new war is inevitable; still more that
it is imminent. It is because I am sure that our fortunes are still in our own hands
and that we hold the power to save the future, that I feel the duty to speak out
now that I have the occasion and the opportunity to do so. I do not believe that
Soviet Russia desires war. What they desire is the fruits of war and the indefinite
expansion of their power and doctrines. But what we have to consider here to-day
while time remains, is the permanent prevention of war and the establishment of
conditions of freedom and democracy as rapidly as possible in all countries. Our
difficulties and dangers will not be removed by closing our eyes to them. They will
not be removed by mere waiting to see what happens; nor will they be removed by
a policy of appeasement. What is needed is a settlement, and the longer this is
delayed, the more difficult it will be and the greater our dangers will become.

From what I have seen of our Russian friends and Allies during the war, I am convinced
that there is nothing they admire so much as strength, and there is nothing for
which they have less respect than for weakness, especially military weakness. For
that reason the old doctrine of a balance of power is unsound. We cannot afford,
if we can help it, to work on narrow margins, offering temptations to a trial of
strength. If the Western Democracies stand together in strict adherence to the principles
of the United Nations Charter, their influence for furthering those principles will
be immense and no one is likely to molest them. If however they become divided or
falter in their duty and if these all-important years are allowed to slip away then
indeed catastrophe may overwhelm us all.

Last time I saw it all coming and cried aloud to my own fellow-countrymen and to
the world, but no one paid any attention. Up till the year 1933 or even 1935, Germany
might have been saved from the awful fate which has overtaken her and we might all
have been spared the miseries Hitler let loose upon mankind. There never was a war
in all history easier to prevent by timely action than the one which has just desolated
such great areas of the globe. It could have been prevented in my belief without
the firing of a single shot, and Germany might be powerful, prosperous and honored
to-day; but no one would listen and one by one we were all sucked into the awful
whirlpool. We surely must not let that happen again. This can only be achieved by
reaching now, in 1946, a good understanding on all points with Russia under the
general authority of the United Nations Organization and by the maintenance of that
good understanding through many peaceful years, by the world instrument, supported
by the whole strength of the English-speaking world and all its connections. There
is the solution which I respectfully offer to you in this Address to which I have
given the title “The Sinews of Peace.”

Let no man underrate the abiding power of the British Empire and Common-wealth.
Because you see the 46 millions in our island harassed about their food supply,
of which they only grow one half, even in war-time, or because we have difficulty
in restarting our industries and export trade after six years of passionate war
effort, do not suppose that we shall not come through these dark years of privation
as we have come through the glorious years of agony, or that half a century from
now, you will not see 70 or 80 millions of Britons spread about the world and united
in defense of our traditions, our way of life, and of the world causes which you
and we espouse. If the population of the English-speaking Commonwealths be added
to that of the United States with all that such co-operation implies in the air,
on the sea, all over the globe and in science and in industry, and in moral force,
there will be no quivering, precarious balance of power to offer its temptation
to ambition or adventure. On the contrary, there will be an overwhelming assurance
of security. If we adhere faithfully to the Charter of the United Nations and walk
forward in sedate and sober strength seeking no one’s land or treasure, seeking
to lay no arbitrary control upon the thoughts of men; if all British moral and material
forces and convictions are joined with your own in fraternal association, the high-roads
of the future will be clear, not only for us but for all, not only for our time,
but for a century to come.

SOURCE: Robert Rhodes James, Winston S. Churchill: His Complete Speeches 1897-1963,
(Chelsea House Publishers: New York and London), vol. VII, 1943-1949, pp.7285-7293.

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